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The COVID-19 Pandemic And Its Impact On Economic, Social And Cultural Rights

Of Limitations and Retrogression: Assessing COVID-19’s Impact on Children’s ESC Rights

By Aoife Nolan & Judith Bueno de Mesquita

On 13 May, UNICEF stated  that the impact of COVID-19 on health systems and services meant that an additional 6,000 children could die every day from preventable causes.[1] Compounding the direct and indirect health implications of the virus for children, there is growing recognition of, and concern about, the multidimensional effects of COVID-19 on the lives and well-being of children around the world. Employing language that has since been taken up by numerous domestic and global actors, UNICEF has referred to the pandemic as a ‘child rights crisis’. However, this crisis is not solely attributable to COVID-19 itself; rather, some aspects of state responses to the pandemic constitute  restrictions or limitations on children’s rights, while others appear to amount to retrogression.

When it comes to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), perhaps the most headline rights impacts of COVID-19 and state responses are socio-economic in nature: the impact of school closures on the right to education;  the effects of parental job losses from the perspective of the child’s right to a standard of living adequate for their development (Article 27); the impact of lockdown on children’s enjoyment of right to the highest attainable standard of health, and mental health (article 24); reduced access to food undermining the child’s right to adequate nutritious food (articles 27 and 24); the inability of homeless children or children in poor quality housing to avoid infection (Article 27); the requirement that children remain indoors and abide by social distancing protocols raises issues in terms of their right to play. However, just as many of the rights under the CRC cannot be neatly categorised as specifically social, economic, political, civil or cultural in nature, nor are the pandemic’s impacts on children limited to the economic and social spheres.

In its commendably clear COVID-19 Statement, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has called on states to take a wide range of measures in order to ‘respect the rights of the child in taking measures to tackle the public health threat posed by the COVID-19 pandemic’.  Amongst the many important functions of the Statement is its clarification of States’ duties in the context of lockdown and quarantine – an issue that has not been directly addressed in its previous General Comments, such as its 2013 General Comment No.15 on the right of the child to the highest attainable standard of health (Article 24) and General Comment No. 3 on HIV/AIDS and the rights of the child (2003). (Indeed, this is consistent with the relative neglect of these issues by international human rights bodies generally).

From an ESCR perspective, the Committee identified that States should: ensure that that online learning does not exacerbate existing inequalities or replace student-teacher interaction; activate immediate measures to ensure that children are fed nutritious food; maintain the provision of basic services for children including healthcare, water, sanitation and birth registration; explore alternative and creative solutions for children to enjoy their rights to rest, leisure, recreation and cultural and artistic activities; and provide professional mental health services for children living in lockdown. The Committee also made clear that states should disseminate accurate, accessible, child-friendly information about COVID-19, in line with the requirements of both Article 24 (the right to the highest attainable standard of health) and Article 13 (the right to freedom of expression) of the CRC.

The Committee also urged states to protect children whose vulnerability is further increased by the exceptional circumstances caused by the pandemic, including children living in poverty, children with disabilities, minority and indigenous children, and other children with precarious enjoyment of ESCR. Significantly, the Committee made clear that states should respect the right of every child to non-discrimination in its measures to address the COVID-19 pandemic – as well as take targeted measures to protect children in vulnerable situations. 

But what of the question of limitations on children’s rights during the time of COVID-19? Consistent with the crisis/emergency framing that has dominated much human rights and other work around the pandemic, the Committee’s Statement dealt with this issue front and centre. First, it explicitly recognised that ‘in crisis situations, international human rights law exceptionally permits measures that may restrict the enjoyment of certain human rights in order to protect public health. However, such restrictions must be imposed only when necessary, be proportionate and kept to an absolute minimum.’ This would appear to be the (admittedly broad) parameters of the criteria the Committee will use to assess the permissibility of the state-imposed limitations on children’s rights in the COVID-19 context. Looking beyond interferences with rights in the form of specific limitations, and of particular relevance to economic and social rights realisation in terms of Article 4 of the Convention, the Committee also stated that ‘while acknowledging that the COVID-19 pandemic may have a significant and adverse impact on the availability of financial resources, these difficulties should not be regarded as an impediment to the implementation of the Convention.’ This would appear to engage with the issue of progressive realisation – and indeed retrogression – in the context of COVID-19.

Importantly, the Committee went on to say that States parties should ensure that ‘responses to the pandemic, including restrictions and decisions on allocation of resources, reflect the principle of the best interests of the child’. Yet, perhaps surprisingly, the other General Principles of the CRC - non-discrimination (Article 2), the right to survival and development (Article 6), the child’s right to express their views in all matters affecting them (Article 12) – were not cited here. Given that the UNCRC does not contain a general limitations provision (although rights-specific limitations are included in some UNCRC civil and political rights protections), this is a very significant statement on the part of the Committee with regard to what the priorities of states should be when considering rights restrictions in the COVID-19 context. Thus, it is vital that the Statement be interpreted in a joined up way so that the crucial emphasis on non-discrimination, the threats posed to children’s survival and development, and the Committee’s recommendation to states to ‘provide opportunities for children’s views to be heard/taken into account in COVID-19 decision-making processes’ elsewhere in the Statement are also taken into account in state decision-making in relation to restrictions on rights.

Of course, when it comes to assessing state performance on COVID-19 in terms of its reporting and complaints systems, the Committee will draw on its extensive previous work. This includes the criteria that states need to satisfy in terms of justifying ESCR retrogression in times of economic crisis such as General Comment 19 on public budgeting for the realization of children’s rights, which may to a large extent be ‘repurposed’ for a health crisis context. However, given the Committee’s relative silence on limitations to ESCR thus far, engagement with COVID-19 will furnish it with an excellent opportunity to flesh out how it will assess limitations on UNCRC rights, and on ESC rights in particular. 

[1] The Lancet-published study that served as the basis for UNICEF’s statement estimates that an additional 1,157,000 under-five deaths (and 56 700 maternal deaths) could occur in just six months. This is due to reductions in routine health service coverage levels and an increase in child wasting.

Aoife Nolan is Co-Director of the Human Rights Law Centre and Professor of International Human Rights Law at the University of Nottingham. Since 2017, she has been a member of the COE European Committee of Social Rights. Professor Nolan has acted as an expert advisor to a wide range of international and national organisations and bodies working on human right issues, including UN Special Procedures, UN treaty bodies, the Council of Europe, the World Bank, and multiple NHRIs and NGOs. She has held visiting positions at academic institutions in Europe, Africa, the US and Australia. She is an Academic Panel member of Doughty Street Chambers, where she co-leads the Children’s Rights Group.

Judith Bueno de Mesquita, LLM MA, is Co-Deputy Director of the Human Rights Centre and a Lecturer in International Human Rights Law at the School of Law and Human Rights Centre, University of Essex. She is the current Coordinator of the Economic and Social Rights Academic Network, UK and Ireland. She has worked extensively as a consultant with UN agencies including the WHO and UNFPA, and as Senior Research Officer to the first UN Special Rapporteur on the right to health. Her research focuses on health and human rights and economic, social and cultural rights.

 

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We have advanced rights-based and gender-transformative transition frameworks through research that centres the lived experiences of women and marginalised communities on the frontlines of extractive energy policies, promoting climate and energy frameworks attentive to the social and care-related impacts of transition pathways. We have developed a clear vision for a gender-just transition, firmly rooted in gender and human rights norms, establishing both the legal basis and the direction for the transformative changes our planet and societies urgently need. In particular, the ‘Guiding Principles for Gender Equality and Human Rights in the Energy Transition’, a collective effort built through online consultations, an in-person workshop and multiple rounds of revision with activists, practitioners and experts from around the world, outline a transformative vision for reshaping global energy systems through a human rights and gender equality lens.

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We will continue to challenge approaches that treat energy transition as merely a technical shift, instead positioning it as an opportunity to reimagine economies and societies rooted in dignity for all, with particular attention to communities in the Global South who have contributed least to the climate emergency yet are most exposed to its worst effects.

We will connect community-level evidence and the lived experiences of those on the frontlines of extractive policies to national reform and global norm-setting, breaking down silos between human rights, gender, and climate movements, and advancing a shared vision that recognises just transitions as not only fundamental to achieving climate-resilient and sustainable societies, but as transformative pathways that advance social and gender equality, redistribute power and resources equitably, and ensure that energy systems serve the public good rather than profit.

We will mainstream rights-based and genderjust transition priorities in key multilateral spaces (particularly, within the Just Transition Work Programme and the to-be-developed Just Transition Mechanism, within the UNFCCC) to guarantee that just transitions are advanced at all levels.

We will also translate our work, through strategic advocacy, into at least two concrete policy wins, whether promoted, adopted, implemented, or scaled, in priority countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, South Africa, or Kenya), ensuring these policies align with human rights standards, centre gender equality, and reflect the needs and views of affected communities.

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Our work has transformed the global discussion on fiscal policy in a more just, emancipatory and sustainable direction. Our approach has combined both high-level, expert contributions within decisionmaking circles, with bold, impactful work on narrative change with the general public.

We have been instrumental in the inclusion of human rights as a guiding principle of the future United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, a multilateral instrument with the potential of raising approx. USD 492 billion per year in public revenues currently foregone to global tax abuse. In the process leading to the ‘Compromiso de Sevilla’ decided at FfD4, we proposed and succeeded in creating a specific human rights workstream within the Civil Society Financing for Development Mechanism, which was critical to ensure that explicit commitments on the matter were included in the negotiating outcome. In a context of cutbacks in multilateral institutions, we have amplified the capacities of technical experts, providing rigorous technical support and leveraging our influence to ensure the enactments of groundbreaking standard-setting instruments, such as the 2025 UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Statement on Fiscal Policy and Human Rights, and the first ex oficio hearing on the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights on Fiscal and Economic Policies to Address Poverty and Structural Inequality, leading to an upcoming thematic resolution on the matter. We have also bridged the silos between multilateral tax discussions and climate finance debates, promoting ambitious financing commitments to increase international and domestic resource mobilisation during COP 28, 29 and 30.

At the regional level, our engagement with fiscal cooperation platforms such as the Platform for Fiscal Cooperation of Latin America and the Caribbean (PTLAC), where we are member of its Civil Society Consultative Council, and the African Anti-IFFs Policy Tracker, for which we participated in the pilot mission in Ivory Coast together with Tax Justice Network Africa (TJNA), have been critical in cementing a growing engagement between tax administrations and ministries of finance with international legal experts, exploring actionable and transformative initiatives, such as the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, beneficial ownership registries and corporate countryby-country reports, to be implemented at the international level.

At the local level, our interventions in fiscal reform debates in Chile, Brazil, Colombia and Nigeria have contributed to shaping legislative outcomes in a more progressive, rights-compliant direction.

As for our leadership in narrative change, we have a measurable track record in delivering tailored, innovative campaigns which have decisively expanded economic justice constituencies by appealing to a broader tent. In Latin America and the Caribbean, we created the ‘Date Cuenta’ campaign, coordinating over 40 organisations across civil society to deliver plain language, innovative messaging connecting progressive fiscal reforms to the financing of health, education and social protection. ‘Date Cuenta’ generated over 55 original campaign messages that were tailored to the realities of seven priority countries (Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Honduras) and disseminated in Spanish, Portuguese and English. In doing so, we convened more than 65 online co-creation workshops with partners, coordinating a unified communications strategy which combined digital outreach, press and media coverage, and collaboration with influencers. Ultimately, ‘Date Cuenta’ resulted in more than 60,000 interactions on social media, coverage in major regional and international media outlets, including El País, Deutsche Welle, Bloomberg and France 24, and the participation of at least 63 social media influencers through 58 dedicated publications. In collaboration with Fundación Gabo and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, we also organised a two-day workshop in Bogota with 20 journalists from 13 countries, building a regional network trained in a human rights-based approach to fiscal policy that has since generated published media coverage on outlets such as La Diaria, Ciper, El Diario Ar and Milenio. Through ‘Date Cuenta’ and our regional advocacy, we strengthened civil society engagement in key processes, including the Financing for Development track and FfD4, co-organised highlevel dialogues with states and civil society from Latin America and Africa.

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We will shape the UN Tax Convention and its Protocols so they embed human rights principles, and we will stay engaged through follow-up processes (including the expected Conference of the Parties) to support effective implementation. We will keep linking tax and climate finance so that new resources mobilised through fiscal cooperation are channelled to adaptation, mitigation, and loss and damage, in line with UNFCCC commitments.

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In Ivory Coast, our work with Mouvement Ivoirien des Droits Humains and affected communities since 2023 exposed how privatisation and lack of accountability restrict access to quality healthcare. It contributed to the closure of 1,022 illegal private health centres, an executive instrument strengthening the regulation of private hospitals across the country, and the creation of a permanent complaints management committee in healthcare through a bylaw issued by the prefect of Gagnoa. Partners engaged through this process also advanced concrete improvements at facility level: members of the Gagnoa Midwives Association who took part in the participatory action research pooled resources to renovate the neonatal unit of the Regional Hospital, and the Director of the Gagnoa General Hospital launched an action plan to expand services and improve patient reception, with the facility receiving the award for best hospital in the country in 2025.

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