Accessibility Tools

Select your language

On the Ground

Explore our work with partners, globally and locally, to tackle social and economic injustice using a human rights lens.

Civil Society condemns the African Development Bank

Civil Society condemns the African Development Bank

Civil Society condemns the African Development Bank and other int'l orgs’ support to privatisation in education

 

Marrakesh statement on privatisation in education in Africa

French version here http://globalinitiative-escr.org/?p=1684

Marrakech, 28th November 2014

In a joint statement released today in Marrakech at the Education Forum of the World Human Rights Forum, international civil society organisations have raised serious concerns about the emphasis on private sector involvement in education in Africa in a recent report of the African Development Bank (AfDB), the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), the African Union Commission (AUC), and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The report focuses progress with regards to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in Africa. The report is significant as it will shape the debate for the next international development framework after the MDGs end in 2015.

The statement received an overwhelming support of more than 60 organisations, particularly national education coalitions in Africa. This reflects the importance of this issue in Africa and across the world.

The Statement highlights that privatisation policies increase inequality in access, do not guarantee quality and undermine the notion of education as a public good.  It calls for the withdrawal of the MDG Report 2014: Assessing Progress in Africa Toward the Millennium Development Goals, so as to reconsider the recommendations in support of privatisation in education and make recommendations which are consistent with the human right to education

Mr Limbani Nsapato of the African Network Campaign on Education for All (ANCEFA), one of the organisations leading the Statement said “We are very disturbed by this report’s recommendations for greater private sector involvement in education provision, as they ignore the growing evidence that privatisation in education creates inequality and leads to segregation, as we are seeing now in Ghana.”

Despite recognising that the two education policies have been particularly effective in expanding educational access and participation - the elimination of fees and long-term State investments in education - the report’s calls for an increased role for private actors would take education in Africa in the opposite direction, and risk undermining achievements in increased access”, said Mr David Archer, of ActionAid.

Ms Caroline Pearce of the Global Campaign for Education (GCE) commented “We know that school fees and other education costs are a major barrier to access to education.  Most of the dramatic increases in primary school enrolment in Africa since 2000, in particular girls’ enrolments, came about after the elimination of fees. Yet this report promotes further privatisation which invariably entails fee-paying schools.

As the MDG Report 2014 acknowledges, many African countries are “still facing schooling gaps between the poorest and the richest households”. The African Union, through the Second Decade of Education (2006-2015) plan of action, reiterated the need to ensure equity.  These principles are also strongly protected under international law.

However, increased private sector participation in education is a strong driver of segregation and inequalities of opportunities. As the UN Special Rapporteur on the right education recently put it, privatisation “flies in the face of prohibited grounds of discrimination based, notably, on ‘social origin’, ‘economic condition’, ‘birth’ or ‘property’ in international human rights conventions”.

The civil society Statement also warns that privatisation in education leads to violations of international human rights law. Mr Sylvain Aubry of the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, said “We have done research on privatisation in education occurring in Ghana, Morocco, Uganda, Chile, and Kenya, and found violations of the international law, in particular with regards to the right to education, the right to non-discrimination, government’s obligation to provide free quality education, and governments’ failures to regulation and monitor private schools”.

The Rapport OMD 2014 justifies a call for increased private sector participation in education on the grounds that it could help improve quality. Yet the evidence does not support this position. Mr Fred van Leeuwen of Education International commented “Adequate teachers’ qualifications, training and decent working conditions are crucial factors in ensuring quality education. However, in many countries, private schools employ unqualified and insufficiently trained teachers. In Ghana, for example, only 9.2% of primary level teachers are trained in the private sector compared to 69.4% in public schools.”

The quality of private education is also problematic in Morocco, where the World Human Rights Forum is hosted. Mr Ahmed Sehouate of the Moroccan Coalition on Educaiton for All said “in Morocco private investments in education do not equate to investments in quality. After almost 15 years of a rapid increase in private investment in education, private schools have failed to train any teachers, but rely extensively on teachers from the public sector, thereby weakening it”.

It is clear under international law that education is a public good, which must thus be protected against marketisation and commodification. States emphasised a few months ago in the so-called Muscat agreement, “through governments, the state is the custodian of quality education as a public good”. In spite of this, the MDG Report 2014 explicitly calls for a commercialisation of the education sector that “is conducive to profitable returns on investment” for education investors. Ms Pearce of GCE emphasised “Profit making in education is unacceptable, especially where taking advantage of the aspirations for a better life, of the poorest parents.”

 

You don't have a pdf plugin, but you can download the pdf file.

 

Contacts

African Network Campaign on Education for All (ANCEFA): Limbani Eliya Nsapato, This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. / +260977511250

Education International (EI): Mireille de Koning, This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it., / +31 6 48 95 80 39 / +32 48 824 83 37

Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (GI-ESCR): Sylvain Aubry, This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. / +212 6 22 37 86 37 / + 33 7 81 70 81 96

Material

The full statement is available on http://globalinitiative-escr.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/141127_Statement-privatisation-AfDB.pdf

The MDG Report 2014: Assessing Progress in Africa Toward the Millennium Development Goals report is available on http://www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/millennium-development-goals-mdgs-report/

The last report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to education is available on http://www.right-to-education.org/sites/right-to-education.org/files/resource-attachments/UNSR_Report_to_UNGA_Privatisation_2014.pdf

The research on the impact of privatisation on the right to education is available on http://globalinitiative-escr.org/advocacy/privatization-in-education-research-initiative/

Signatory organisations

Submitted by the African Network Campaign on Education for All (ANCEFA), Education International (EI) ActionAid, and the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (GI-ESCR).

This statement has also been endorsed by the following organisations:

  1. African Resources Watch (AFREWATCH)

  2. Alliance2015

  3. Alphabétisation et Développement (Alpha Dev)

  4. Arab Campaign for Education for All (ACEA)

  5. Argentinian Campaign for the Right to Education (CADE

  6. Asia South Pacific Association for Basic and Adult Education (ASPBAE)

  7. ASO-EPT Niger

  8. Association Nationale pour l’Alphébétisation, Senegal (ANAFA)

  9. ATTAC/CADTM Maroc

  10. Basic Education Network Ethiopia

  11. Botswana Coalition on Education For All (BOCEFA)

  12. Buliisa Initiative for Rural Development organisation (BIRUDO)

  13. Burundi Coalition for Education For All

  14. Cameroon Education for All Network (CEFAN)

  15. Carrefour de la famille marocaine

  16. Centre du Commerce International pour le Développement, CECIDE, Guinée (CECIDE)

  17. Centre for Education Rights and Transformation

  18. Centre for Social Impact Studies (CeSIS)

  19. Centre national de coopération au développement, CNCD-11.11.11, Belgium

  20. Civil Society Action Coalition on Education for All

  21. Civil Society Action Coalition on Education for All (CSACEFA)

  22. Civil Society Education Coalition, Malawi (CSEC),

  23. Coalition des Organisations en Synergie pour la Défense de l'Education Publique, Senegal (COSYDEP)

  24. Coalition des organisations Mauritaniennes pour l'Education (COMEDUC)

  25. Coalition Marocaine pour l’Education Pour tous (CMEPT)

  26. Coalition National EPT-Burkina-Faso

  27. Coalition Pour l'Education Pour Tous Bafashebique, Burundi

  28. Collectif National de l’Education Alternative et Populaire, Senegal (CNEAP)

  29. Committee for Peace and Development Advocacy (COPDA) – Liberia

  30. Confédération des syndicats autonomes, Senegal (CSA)

  31. Conseil Régional des Organisations Non Gouvernementales de Développement

  32. Consulenti, orientatori, formatori in rete, Italia (Cofir)

  33. Education Coalition of South Africa, South Africa(ECSA)

  34. Education For All Network, The Gambia

  35. Equal Education Law Centre, South Africa (EELC)

  36. EqualEducation, South Africa

  37. Fédération Nationale des Associations de Parents d’Elèves au Maroc (FNAPEM)

  38. Fédération Nationale des Associations de Parents d’Eleves et d’Edudiants, Senegal (FENAPES)

  39. Forum for Education NGO’s in Uganda (FENU)

  40. Foundation For Environmental Right, Advocacy & Development, Nigeria (FENRAD)

  41. Foundation for the Conservation of the Earth (FOCONE)

  42. Ghana National Education Campaign Coalition (GNECC)

  43. Global Campaign for Education (GCE)

  44. Global Network for Good Governance(GNGG Cameroon)

  45. Global Rights, Nigeria

  46. Groupe Pivot Education de Base, Mali

  47. IBIS

  48. Inclusive Development a International

  49. Initiative for Social and Economic Rights (ISER)

  50. Jamaa Resource Initiatives, Kenya

  51. Kosovo Civil Society Consortium for Sustainable Development (KOSID)

  52. Lumière Synergie pour le Développement

  53. Maison des Mines du Kivu (MMKi)

  54. Mouvement Anfass Démocratique, Morocco

  55. Organisation Démocratique de l’Enseignement, Morocco (ODT)

  56. Oxfam GB

  57. Oxfam International

  58. Pan African Development Education & Advocacy Programme

  59. Peace Point Action (PPA)

  60. PREMICONGO

  61. Privatisation in Education Research Initiative (PERI)

  62. Public Interest Law Center, Chad (PILC)

  63. RESULTS

  64. Right to Education Forum, India

  65. Right to Education Project (RTE)

  66. Section27, South Africa

  67. Syndicat Unique et Démocratique du Sénégal (SUDES)

  68. Tanzania Education Network/Mtandao wa Elimu Tanzania (TEN/MET)

  69. Wacam, Ghana

  70. Zambia National Education Coalition

Related Articles

NEWSLETTER

Don´t miss any updates!
Image

Select your language

Social Media:

Log in

Climate and Environmental Justice

We have advanced rights-based and gender-transformative transition frameworks through research that centres the lived experiences of women and marginalised communities on the frontlines of extractive energy policies, promoting climate and energy frameworks attentive to the social and care-related impacts of transition pathways. We have developed a clear vision for a gender-just transition, firmly rooted in gender and human rights norms, establishing both the legal basis and the direction for the transformative changes our planet and societies urgently need. In particular, the ‘Guiding Principles for Gender Equality and Human Rights in the Energy Transition’, a collective effort built through online consultations, an in-person workshop and multiple rounds of revision with activists, practitioners and experts from around the world, outline a transformative vision for reshaping global energy systems through a human rights and gender equality lens.

Our work recognises that the climate emergency is both an existential threat and an opportunity to reimagine societies built on social, gender, economic and environmental justice. We ground our advocacy in feminist and intersectional principles, prioritising the agency and perspectives of communities in the Global South who have contributed the least to the climate emergency yet face its most devastating consequences. Central to our approach is the understanding that energy is not merely a commodity but a fundamental human right; essential for dignity, health, education, work and the realisation of countless other rights. We challenge approaches to the energy transition that risk replicating the harmful patterns of fossil fuel extraction and, instead, advocate for transformative policies that ensure human rights and gender equality as central to building climate-resilient societies rooted in dignity, justice and planetary well-being.

What's next?

We will continue to challenge approaches that treat energy transition as merely a technical shift, instead positioning it as an opportunity to reimagine economies and societies rooted in dignity for all, with particular attention to communities in the Global South who have contributed least to the climate emergency yet are most exposed to its worst effects.

We will connect community-level evidence and the lived experiences of those on the frontlines of extractive policies to national reform and global norm-setting, breaking down silos between human rights, gender, and climate movements, and advancing a shared vision that recognises just transitions as not only fundamental to achieving climate-resilient and sustainable societies, but as transformative pathways that advance social and gender equality, redistribute power and resources equitably, and ensure that energy systems serve the public good rather than profit.

We will mainstream rights-based and genderjust transition priorities in key multilateral spaces (particularly, within the Just Transition Work Programme and the to-be-developed Just Transition Mechanism, within the UNFCCC) to guarantee that just transitions are advanced at all levels.

We will also translate our work, through strategic advocacy, into at least two concrete policy wins, whether promoted, adopted, implemented, or scaled, in priority countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, South Africa, or Kenya), ensuring these policies align with human rights standards, centre gender equality, and reflect the needs and views of affected communities.

We will build momentum for the progressive recognition of the right to sustainable energy to shift dominant narratives away from purely extractive solutions that sideline gendered impacts, community participation, and Global South perspectives.

Economic Justice and Climate Finance

Our work has transformed the global discussion on fiscal policy in a more just, emancipatory and sustainable direction. Our approach has combined both high-level, expert contributions within decisionmaking circles, with bold, impactful work on narrative change with the general public.

We have been instrumental in the inclusion of human rights as a guiding principle of the future United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, a multilateral instrument with the potential of raising approx. USD 492 billion per year in public revenues currently foregone to global tax abuse. In the process leading to the ‘Compromiso de Sevilla’ decided at FfD4, we proposed and succeeded in creating a specific human rights workstream within the Civil Society Financing for Development Mechanism, which was critical to ensure that explicit commitments on the matter were included in the negotiating outcome. In a context of cutbacks in multilateral institutions, we have amplified the capacities of technical experts, providing rigorous technical support and leveraging our influence to ensure the enactments of groundbreaking standard-setting instruments, such as the 2025 UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Statement on Fiscal Policy and Human Rights, and the first ex oficio hearing on the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights on Fiscal and Economic Policies to Address Poverty and Structural Inequality, leading to an upcoming thematic resolution on the matter. We have also bridged the silos between multilateral tax discussions and climate finance debates, promoting ambitious financing commitments to increase international and domestic resource mobilisation during COP 28, 29 and 30.

At the regional level, our engagement with fiscal cooperation platforms such as the Platform for Fiscal Cooperation of Latin America and the Caribbean (PTLAC), where we are member of its Civil Society Consultative Council, and the African Anti-IFFs Policy Tracker, for which we participated in the pilot mission in Ivory Coast together with Tax Justice Network Africa (TJNA), have been critical in cementing a growing engagement between tax administrations and ministries of finance with international legal experts, exploring actionable and transformative initiatives, such as the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, beneficial ownership registries and corporate countryby-country reports, to be implemented at the international level.

At the local level, our interventions in fiscal reform debates in Chile, Brazil, Colombia and Nigeria have contributed to shaping legislative outcomes in a more progressive, rights-compliant direction.

As for our leadership in narrative change, we have a measurable track record in delivering tailored, innovative campaigns which have decisively expanded economic justice constituencies by appealing to a broader tent. In Latin America and the Caribbean, we created the ‘Date Cuenta’ campaign, coordinating over 40 organisations across civil society to deliver plain language, innovative messaging connecting progressive fiscal reforms to the financing of health, education and social protection. ‘Date Cuenta’ generated over 55 original campaign messages that were tailored to the realities of seven priority countries (Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Honduras) and disseminated in Spanish, Portuguese and English. In doing so, we convened more than 65 online co-creation workshops with partners, coordinating a unified communications strategy which combined digital outreach, press and media coverage, and collaboration with influencers. Ultimately, ‘Date Cuenta’ resulted in more than 60,000 interactions on social media, coverage in major regional and international media outlets, including El País, Deutsche Welle, Bloomberg and France 24, and the participation of at least 63 social media influencers through 58 dedicated publications. In collaboration with Fundación Gabo and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, we also organised a two-day workshop in Bogota with 20 journalists from 13 countries, building a regional network trained in a human rights-based approach to fiscal policy that has since generated published media coverage on outlets such as La Diaria, Ciper, El Diario Ar and Milenio. Through ‘Date Cuenta’ and our regional advocacy, we strengthened civil society engagement in key processes, including the Financing for Development track and FfD4, co-organised highlevel dialogues with states and civil society from Latin America and Africa.

What's next?

We will shape the UN Tax Convention and its Protocols so they embed human rights principles, and we will stay engaged through follow-up processes (including the expected Conference of the Parties) to support effective implementation. We will keep linking tax and climate finance so that new resources mobilised through fiscal cooperation are channelled to adaptation, mitigation, and loss and damage, in line with UNFCCC commitments.

Public Services for Care Societies

We have translated participatory research into accountability and policy outcomes.

In Ivory Coast, our work with Mouvement Ivoirien des Droits Humains and affected communities since 2023 exposed how privatisation and lack of accountability restrict access to quality healthcare. It contributed to the closure of 1,022 illegal private health centres, an executive instrument strengthening the regulation of private hospitals across the country, and the creation of a permanent complaints management committee in healthcare through a bylaw issued by the prefect of Gagnoa. Partners engaged through this process also advanced concrete improvements at facility level: members of the Gagnoa Midwives Association who took part in the participatory action research pooled resources to renovate the neonatal unit of the Regional Hospital, and the Director of the Gagnoa General Hospital launched an action plan to expand services and improve patient reception, with the facility receiving the award for best hospital in the country in 2025.

In Kenya, our research with the Mathare Education Taskforce documented the absence of public schools and the expansion of private provision, evidencing impacts on households and caregivers and strengthening demands for free, quality public education. This work contributed to stronger community agency and collective organisation, alongside ongoing strategies ranging from communications to litigation to secure a public school in the area, some involving GI-ESCR and others led independently.

Across Africa, this work is complemented by a multi-country study examining the human rights implications of austerity in education and health, including how regressive fiscal policies, rising debt burdens and persistent underinvestment undermine the financing and delivery of public services.

In Latin America, from 29 November to 2 December 2021, over a thousand representatives from over one hundred countries, from grassroots movements, advocacy, human rights, and development organisations, feminist movements, trade unions, and other civil society organisations, met in Santiago, Chile, and virtually, to discuss the critical role of public services for our future. Following the meeting, the Santiago Declaration on Public Services was adopted to demand universal access to quality, gender-transformative and equitable public services as the foundation of a fair and just society.

We are currently advancing work on care systems, linking public services and fiscal justice through integrated research, advocacy and communications, including a regional campaign framing care as a collective responsibility requiring sustained public investment.

What's next?

In Ivory Coast, we will evaluate and strengthen the complaints management committee and position it as a replicable model for other health facilities. In Kenya, we will support the Mathare community to co-design a model public school for Mabatini and Ngei wards, grounded in human rights standards. Building on our multi-country austerity study, we will drive national advocacy on financing for education and health: advancing reforms in Ghana; launching a fiscal policy and public services financing agenda in Kenya through the CESCR process and targeted coalition work; and, in Nigeria, using the new tax acts in force since 1 January 2026 to catalyse a national accountability campaign for adequately funded, quality public services. In Latin America, we will amplify locally led care pilots across 8 countries and turn lessons into influence—advancing care policies that strengthen care organisations, protect care workers’ rights, support unpaid caregivers, include disability and family networks, and redistribute care more equitably.